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Coalition Argues TSCA Bars EPA From Weighing Data-Center Benefits in a New-Chemical Review
/in AI, CBI, EPA, New Chemicals, PFAS, TSCAA coalition of seventeen environmental organizations, led by Earthjustice, has asked EPA to deny a premanufacture notice (PMN) under the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) for a fluorinated immersion-cooling fluid intended to cool data-center equipment. The comments press three lines of attack: that the substance poses an unreasonable risk EPA must act on, that the substance’s asserted benefits for data centers are legally irrelevant to that judgment, and that the applicant redacted health and safety information it was required to disclose.
The comments, filed July 15, 2026, respond to EPA’s notice of receipt of the PMN. The substance is 3-Hexene, 1,1,1,2,2,5,5,6,6,6-decafluoro-, (3E) (CASRN 1256353-26-0), also known as Opteon 2P50. The PMN applicant’s identity was claimed as confidential business information (CBI).
The Risk the Comments Describe
The coalition’s core argument is that the fluid presents an unreasonable risk that TSCA section 5 obligates EPA to prevent. It characterizes the substance as a PFAS and urges EPA to find unreasonable risk on that basis alone, citing concerns including persistence, mobility, bioaccumulation potential, and toxicity. The substance’s status as a PFAS is contested: when chemical supplier Chemours launched the fluid in 2023, it stated that it does not consider the compound a PFAS, describing it as a hydrofluoroolefin (HFO) that degrades quickly in the atmosphere. The coalition, on the other hand, characterizes HFOs as PFAS and argues that HFOs break down in the atmosphere into shorter-chain PFAS—principally perfluoropropanoic acid (PFPrA) and trifluoroacetic acid (TFA)—that are persistent, highly mobile in water, and difficult to remediate. They also cite a recent European Chemicals Agency risk assessment committee’s June 2026 opinion—adopted by consensus, now before the European Commission—proposing that TFA be classified as toxic to reproduction.
The comments also argue that the limited information available on the substance raises additional concerns about its risks. Available toxicity data, they say, come largely from rat studies that understate PFAS risk to humans, and a workplace exposure limit derived by a group the comments describe as industry-linked relied on assumptions it did not disclose. They add that the fluid is acutely toxic to aquatic life and not readily biodegradable, and that a hyperscale data center could hold tens of thousands of liters of dielectric fluid, with routine evaporative losses and disposal creating recurring releases near workers, fenceline communities, and waters around data centers and disposal sites.
How EPA Must Conduct the Review
A second line of argument concerns EPA’s review process. TSCA section 5 directs EPA to decide whether a new chemical presents an unreasonable risk “without consideration of costs or other nonrisk factors.” EPA announced in September 2025 that it would prioritize review of new chemicals intended for data-center projects, inviting manufacturers to seek that treatment under Executive Order 14318. The applicant filed a request for priority review premised on an urgent national need for AI infrastructure, which the coalition contends is irrelevant to the risk determination. Priority review, they argue, affects when EPA takes up a submission, not the standard it must apply.
Two related arguments target how EPA models exposure. The comments say EPA cannot assume workers will wear protective equipment, because under the occupational hierarchy of controls such equipment is a last line of defense and, in any event, accounting for its use would violate TSCA by conflating risk evaluation with risk management. They also argue that EPA must weigh aggregate exposures from many facilities and other reasonably foreseen uses in its analysis. As an example, the comments claim that the substance is marketed for other cooling applications, including use in electric-vehicle batteries.
The Confidentiality Dispute
The comments separately challenge the applicant’s CBI redactions. They contend that TSCA generally bars confidentiality claims over health and safety information, yet the filing withheld entire toxicity-profile slides, the toxicological section of the safety data sheet, the applicant’s occupational exposure assessment, and its list of prior substantial risk notices under TSCA Section 8(e). Other redactions concern information available on Chemours’ website, the coalition argues.
These arguments coincide with litigation brought by Earthjustice-represented environmental groups, which contends that EPA systemically fails to disclose information in PMNs claimed as CBI when the covered information does not facially qualify as confidential.
The comment period for the notice of receipt of the PMN closed July 15, 2026.
Bipartisan Bill Would Give Safer Choice Program Its First Statutory Authorization
/in DfE, EPA, Safer ChoiceFor a voluntary program with roughly 2,000 certified products and unusually broad industry support, Safer Choice has always rested on thin statutory footing. EPA has run it for more than a decade under general Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) authority, without any statute naming the program or directing the agency to operate it. A bill introduced in the Senate on June 2, 2026, would change that.
What the Bill Does
Senators Chris Coons (D-DE) and Jon Husted (R-OH) introduced S. 4664, the Safer Choice Program Authorization Act of 2026, which would direct the EPA administrator to carry out a voluntary Safer Choice Program encompassing both the Safer Choice and Design for the Environment (DfE) Standards. The bill has been read twice and referred to the Committee on Environment and Public Works.
The legislation would codify much of what EPA already does administratively. It directs the Administrator to certify products against those Standards, criteria the agency updated in 2024; to maintain the Safer Chemical Ingredients List; and to authorize use of the Safer Choice and DfE labels, which the bill treats as agency marks that may not be used in a false or unauthorized manner. It would formalize the role of qualified third-party profilers—the outside reviewers who evaluate ingredients and formulations—subject to independence and conflict-of-interest requirements, while reserving final certification decisions to the administrator. The bill would also authorize the administrator to add product categories—a direction EPA explored through a 2023 request for comment. It directs coordination with the Food and Drug Administration and the Consumer Product Safety Commission and authorizes $6 million per year for fiscal years 2028 through 2034.
Why It Matters
Because Congress never authorized Safer Choice, the program has been exposed to elimination through budget and reorganization decisions rather than legislation. Project 2025’s Mandate for Leadership recommended transitioning the Safer Choice program to the private sector, and in 2025 EPA reportedly moved the program into a larger chemicals division as part of a broader reorganization. The administration’s recent budget requests have proposed steep reductions across EPA. Statutory authorization would make the program meaningfully harder to unwind administratively.
Who Is Affected
The interested parties here are mostly proponents. Cleaning-product manufacturers account for most Safer Choice certifications, and they, along with ingredient suppliers, retailers, and institutional and government purchasers who use the label as a procurement benchmark, have an interest in the program’s continuity. Trade associations representing these sectors have supported authorization. In addition, third-party profilers would gain a defined statutory role under the legislation.
California Barred from Enforcing Prop 65 DEA Warning After First Amendment Challenge
/in California, Cosmetic Products, Prop. 65, Regulatory LitigationOn June 24, 2026, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of California entered a final judgment and permanent injunction barring the Attorney General from enforcing Proposition 65’s cancer-warning requirement for diethanolamine (DEA) in cosmetics. The judgment adopts a stipulation that the Personal Care Products Council (PCPC) and Attorney General Rob Bonta filed the day before, resolving PCPC’s First Amendment challenge to the DEA warning.
First Amendment Arguments
As discussed in a previous post, DEA was automatically added to the Prop 65 list after the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) concluded that the substance is “possibly carcinogenic to humans.” However, in its complaint, PCPC argued that IARC did not identify any studies establishing a link between DEA and cancer in humans, relying instead on a study of “questionable relevance” in a highly susceptible strain of mice. As a result, PCPC contended, applying the DEA Prop 65 cancer warning “in cosmetic and personal products is false, misleading, and factually controversial,” in violation of the First Amendment.
What the Parties Agreed
The Attorney General did not concede the constitutional question. He continues to dispute that the DEA warning violates the First Amendment, but agreed to resolve the case in light of, as the stipulation puts it, “the current state of the relevant science” and three recent decisions rejecting compelled Prop 65 cancer warnings: a Ninth Circuit ruling on glyphosate, and two district court rulings on acrylamide and titanium dioxide. Under the stipulation, the Attorney General reserves the right to move to dissolve the injunction under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 60(b) if the facts or law change.
What the Order Provides
The order declares that, based on the current state of the science, the DEA cancer warning cannot be constitutionally enforced. It permanently enjoins the Attorney General, his officers, employees, and agents, and “all those acting in privity or concert with” them from filing or prosecuting new lawsuits to enforce the DEA warning requirement for cosmetic and personal care products. For companies that make or sell DEA-containing cosmetics—shampoos, liquid soaps, and body washes—the order removes the Attorney General as a source of new DEA warning suits.
Because the judgment was entered on the parties’ stipulation rather than after a merits ruling, no court weighed the DEA science or held the warning unconstitutional in adversarial litigation. Its declaratory language is tied to the current state of the science, and the Rule 60(b) reservation leaves room to revisit the injunction if that science or the law changes.
The case is The Personal Care Products Council v. Bonta, No. 2:26-cv-00682 (E.D. Cal.), complaint filed March 2, 2026.
FIFRA Preempts Label-Based Failure-to-Warn Claims, Supreme Court Rules
/in EPA, FIFRA, Pesticides, Regulatory LitigationOn June 25, 2026, the Supreme Court held, 7-2, that the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act (FIFRA) preempts a state-law failure-to-warn claim alleging that Monsanto failed to warn users that the weedkiller Roundup causes cancer. The decision in Monsanto Co. v. Durnell concludes that EPA’s approval of a pesticide label without a cancer warning constitutes a federal labeling “requirement” that state tort law cannot override.
The ruling resolves a circuit split. The Third Circuit previously found preemption on these facts, while the Ninth and Eleventh Circuits and several state appellate courts had not.
What the Court Decided
Writing for the majority, Justice Kavanaugh identified two interlocking features of FIFRA’s registration regime that together produce the preemptive effect. First, before registering any pesticide, EPA must determine that the proposed label contains all warnings “necessary and . . . adequate to protect health and the environment” and is not false or misleading. That determination reflects the agency’s considered judgment about what a label must—and need not—say. Second, EPA’s implementing regulations require manufacturers to use the EPA-approved label, subject to narrow exceptions not at issue in this case. Changing the label without EPA approval, including by unilaterally adding a cancer warning, may expose the manufacturer to civil and criminal penalties under federal law. Together, the majority reasoned, those features constitute a federal labeling “requirement” under FIFRA’s preemption clause that preempts state tort law claims imposing labeling requirements “in addition to or different from” those required under FIFRA.
The majority found support for that reasoning in Riegel v. Medtronic, Inc., which held that FDA premarket approval of medical devices preempts conflicting state-law device claims, emphasizing the similarities between that preemption clause and FIFRA’s. It also distinguished Bates v. Dow Agrosciences LLC, which allowed state failure-to-warn claims equivalent to FIFRA’s misbranding standard, on the ground that Bates involved efficacy claims—statements EPA does not review at registration. Safety determinations, which EPA does review, carry preemptive force that efficacy claims do not, the majority ruled.
Writing for the dissent, Justice Jackson argued FIFRA’s own misbranding prohibition is the relevant federal requirement, and a state claim that simply parallels that prohibition should not be preempted under Bates. The majority and dissent also disagree over whether EPA’s precautionary-statement regulations reach chronic risks like cancer, as opposed to only acute hazards. The majority concludes they do, while the dissent maintains the regulatory text addresses acute hazards only. Because cancer is a chronic condition, the dissent argues pesticide manufacturers can add a cancer warning without EPA approval.
Justice Thomas joined the majority in full but wrote separately to question whether FIFRA’s registration scheme exceeds Congress’s Commerce Clause authority, whether FIFRA unlawfully delegates legislative power to EPA, and whether agency action can carry preemptive force under the Supremacy Clause at all. No other Justice joined that view.
Who’s Affected
The decision most directly benefits pesticide and agrochemical manufacturers defending failure-to-warn claims premised on an EPA-approved label. The Court’s reasoning, however, leans on a comparison to other federal statutes with similarly worded preemption clauses, which suggests the analysis may be cited in disputes involving other federally regulated, labeled products. The opinion does not address other theories—such as design defect, manufacturing defect, or advertising-based claims—that were not before the Court in this case.
What to Watch
The Judicial Panel on Multidistrict Litigation’s pending-dockets report lists roughly 3,900 active cases in the Roundup MDL as of July 1, 2026, a population of claims against which Durnell‘s reasoning will likely be tested in dismissal motions. EPA’s glyphosate registration posture also remains unsettled in part, since the Ninth Circuit vacated the agency’s most recent 2020 interim registration review decision in 2022.
In addition, federal lawmakers have introduced legislation to override the Court’s interpretation. The People Over Poison Act, H.R.9528, would add language to FIFRA clarifying that the law’s preemption clause “shall not be construed to prohibit or otherwise limit a claim related to the labeling or packaging of pesticides or devices under the tort law of any State.” The bill was introduced on June 29, 2026, by Reps. Chellie Pingree (D-ME) and Thomas Massie (R-KY) and has been referred to the House Committee on Agriculture.
The case is Monsanto Co. v. Durnell, No. 24-1068 (U.S.), petition for writ of certiorari granted January 16, 2026. A previous post on the case, written after the Court granted certiorari, can be found here.
Federal Legislation Would Deem 15 Chemicals Unsafe in Food Packaging
/in Chemicals of Concern, FDA, FFDCA, PFASOn June 9, 2026, lawmakers introduced the No Toxic Chemicals in Food Packaging Act of 2026, which would ban 15 chemicals or chemical classes—including PFAS, ortho-phthalates, and bisphenol A—from food-contact use. H.R.9231 was introduced by Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-IL) and Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-CT) and has been referred to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. The Senate companion, S.4724, was introduced by Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT) and has been referred to the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions.
Similar legislation was introduced in 2023, but that bill covered fewer substances and did not advance out of committee.
What the Bill Does
The bill amends the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (FFDCA) § 409 (21 U.S.C. § 348) by adding a new subsection (l) that deems 15 chemicals or chemical classes unsafe for use as food contact substances. That designation is cross-referenced against FFDCA § 402(a)(2)(C), the adulteration provision, meaning food packaged or processed using these substances would be treated as adulterated under existing law.
The bill covers the following substances:
Three drafting choices are worth flagging. First, a new subsection (l)(2) directs FDA to weigh potential adverse effects on “vulnerable populations”—defined broadly to include infants, pregnant women, workers, and residents of disproportionately exposed communities—when evaluating substitute substances proposed as alternatives to the banned fifteen.
Second, the bill includes an express savings clause preserving state and local authority to regulate food additives, including authority more stringent than the federal floor. That non-preemption choice is notable given the growing number of states that have restricted or are considering restricting certain additives.
Third, the legislation expansively defines PFAS as any substance containing at least one fully fluorinated methyl or methylene carbon atom, which closely resembles the most recent Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) definition.
The new subsection would take effect two years after enactment, per the bill’s delayed-applicability clause.
Why It Matters Now
The bill arrives while FDA is already facing litigation pressure on two of the chemical classes it targets. A coalition of advocacy groups is challenging FDA’s 2022 denial—reaffirmed on reconsideration in October 2024—of a petition to revoke authorizations for 28 ortho-phthalates, in litigation now pending before the D.C. Circuit. Separately, a citizen petition seeking PFAS tolerances in food is the subject of an Administrative Procedure Act suit in the District of Arizona, where the court has continued proceedings pending FDA’s response. As of this writing, neither matter has produced a ruling on the merits, and both postures could change before this bill reaches markup.
FDA has also launched a reassessment of one of the affected substances, BHA, on its own initiative. The review, announced in February, will consider whether BHA is safe under its current conditions of use in food and as a food contact substance. In addition, over a dozen states have already enacted prohibitions on the use of PFAS in food packaging.
Who’s Affected
Food and beverage manufacturers, packaging converters (particularly PFAS-treated paper and fiber products and phthalate-plasticized flexible packaging), and upstream chemical suppliers face the most direct reformulation exposure. Grocery, retail, and food service companies would also inherit supply-chain risk from upstream suppliers.
New Mexico PFAS Labeling Rule Faces Appeal Over Free Speech, Agency Authority
/in PFAS, Regulatory Litigation, Right-to-Know, State PolicyA docketing statement has been filed in a state-court challenge to New Mexico’s near-universal PFAS labeling requirements, finalized by the New Mexico Environmental Improvement Board (EIB) in April as part of a broader rule implementing the state’s PFAS Protection Act (HB 212).
The docketing statement, filed June 22, 2026, identifies four issues on appeal:
The case is Diamond Vogel, Inc. v. New Mexico Environmental Improvement Board, No. A-1-CA-43483 (N.M. Ct. App.), filed 05/22/2026.
Texas AG Launches Glyphosate Investigation into Major Food Companies
/in Enforcement, PesticidesTexas Attorney General Ken Paxton has initiated an investigation into glyphosate residue in foods, especially foods containing oats, his office announced June 2, 2026.
The investigation will examine whether major food companies are complying with Texas law and whether consumers have been misled by health claims on common food products. The office has already issued civil investigative demands to pesticide and food manufacturers including Bayer and PepsiCo, the press release states.
According to the release, the percentage of Americans with detectable levels of the herbicide in their bodies has risen sharply in recent decades—from 12% in 1993 to over 70% today. The office attributes this largely to the widespread use of glyphosate as a desiccant, or drying agent, applied to crops shortly before harvest, which it claims accounts for over 90% of glyphosate found in food.
Oats are a particular focus. While the EPA prohibits using glyphosate as a desiccant on oats grown domestically, the office alleges that “major food companies source their oats from foreign countries where the practice is allowed,” leading to elevated exposures in children through foods such as cereals, breakfast bars, and cookies.
“In fact, studies show that certain food products marketed to children are some of the most glyphosate-contaminated food products in the United States,” the release states. “Other products are marketed as ‘healthy’ when manufacturers know their products are contaminated with dangerously high levels of glyphosate.”
The glyphosate probe comes less than two months after Paxton’s office announced a similar investigation into activewear company Lululemon over alleged consumer deception related to PFAS in its products.
Glyphosate is one of the most widely used herbicides worldwide and the active ingredient in Roundup. In 2015, the International Agency for Research on Cancer classified glyphosate as a probable human carcinogen, a designation that EPA has not adopted. Under the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act (FIFRA) and Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (FFDCA), EPA sets pesticide food tolerances at levels at least 100 times below the dose that produced no adverse effects during animal testing.
EPA Takes TSCA Enforcement Action Against Chemical Importer
/in CDR, Enforcement, EPA, TSCAEPA has initiated a far-reaching administrative enforcement action against Wego Chemical Group, alleging hundreds of violations of the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) stemming from the New York-based chemical distributor’s chemical imports.
“Since at least 2016, Wego has imported hundreds of millions of pounds of hundreds of toxic chemicals, mostly from China, without meeting basic federal reporting requirements,” EPA stated in a press release announcing the action, which was filed May 22, 2026.
At the core of the complaint are allegations that Wego’s 2020 and 2024 Chemical Data Reporting (CDR) submissions were both late and incomplete. EPA alleges the 2020 forms for more than 200 substances arrived more than four years after the reporting deadline. The agency also claims that Wego reported all chemical use information as “not known or reasonably ascertainable” in both reporting cycles, despite allegedly relying on that same information in its sales and marketing materials.
The complaint also alleges that Wego:
EPA seeks civil penalties under six of the complaint’s ten counts. While no specific penalty figure is proposed, the agency notes that penalties of up to $49,772 could be assessed for each of 684 individual violations.
According to the complaint, EPA first requested TSCA compliance information from Wego in 2021 and entered into a tolling agreement with the company in July 2024. Separately, in July 2025, an environmental organization announced it had reached its own settlement with Wego over alleged 2020 CDR violations involving 104 substances.
California Finalizes Packaging EPR Regulations Under SB 54
/in California, EPR, State Policy, Sustainable PackagingCalifornia has finalized regulations implementing the state’s extended producer responsibility (EPR) program for packaging, more than a year after the governor directed CalRecycle to restart the rulemaking process over cost concerns.
The final rule, approved May 1, 2026, implements California’s Plastic Pollution Prevention and Packaging Producer Responsibility Act (SB 54), passed in 2022. Despite the delay, the program’s source reduction and recyclability targets remian unchanged:
On the same day, the state’s inaugural producer responsibility organization (PRO), Circular Action Alliance (CAA), published an illustrative fees document with low- and high-end fee estimates across covered material categories. Producer fees will fund:
The next major milestone is June 15, 2026, when CAA will submit its draft program plan to the SB 54 advisory board. CAA says it intends to publish final fee rates in the plan, which is expected to be finalized in October 2026.
CalRecycle has also published a webpage with guidance for producers, covering reporting obligations, covered material identification, and producer status determinations. Additional guidance on exemptions, extensions, and exclusions is forthcoming.
Key Deadlines for Producers
According to CalRecycle, the May 1 final rule triggered a June 1, 2026, deadline for producers in California to do one of the following:
Another just-passed deadline was May 31 for producers in California to submit two 2025 reports: (1) an annual supply report with supply data by covered material category, and (2) an annual source reduction report covering source reduction activities. Reports may be submitted to CAA or directly to CalRecycle through the agency’s new online portal, known as PEPRS.
In addition, producer-specific individual source reduction plans will be due sometime this summer, likely August 1.
Finally, May 31 was also the deadline for producers to submit simplified supply reports to CAA for Washington, Maryland, and Minnesota, reflecting an effort to standardize reporting deadlines across states with packaging EPR programs.
For more information, visit CAA’s website and CalRecycle’s SB 54 webpage.
Minnesota Excludes Older Products from PFAS Reporting
/in PFAS, State PolicyMinnesota has amended its PFAS reporting requirements to exclude products manufactured before July 1, 2023.
The amendment does not change what must be reported or when. The reporting deadline remains September 15, 2026 (or December 14, 2026, for manufacturers who request and receive a 90-day extension).
Under the revised requirements, manufacturers or their representatives must report products that:
In an email, the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency (MPCA) said the revision “is the result of the MPCA’s conversations with product manufacturers, especially those responsible for replacement parts made years ago that are still available for purchase.”
The amendment was included in omnibus Health and Human Services supplemental appropriations legislation (SF4612), signed into law on May 26, 2026.
For more on the reporting requirements, see our MN PFAS archive.
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